Asia-Pacific’s highly
combustible mix
S.P.SETH
The recent East Asia summit in Phnom Penh, Cambodia,
once again highlighted underlying regional tensions. We will come to that
later. But first let us look at the background to all this. It basically stems
from concerns about China’s rise, particularly whether or not it will be
managed peacefully. Beijing certainly regards it as a peaceful development to
correct the historical aberration of China’s humiliation by the colonial powers
and Japan during the 19th and first half of the 20th
century. The establishment of the People’s Republic of China on October 1,
1949, supposedly put an end to it.
Though China’s communist revolution restored the
country’s independence and dignity, it didn’t bring to fruition its perceived
historical role as the Middle Kingdom that it once was. This was mainly because
China remained preoccupied with Mao Zedong’s perpetual revolution. It was not
until after Mao’s death in 1976, and Deng Xiaoping’s political ascension a few
years later, that China started to build up a strong economy. And in the
decades since 1980, China’s economy has increased several folds, its armed
forces have got new weaponry, it now has an advanced space program and, above
all, the country is brimming with new confidence to restore its perceived
historical role of asserting political primacy in the Asia-Pacific region.
Believing that China was once a beacon of light for
the region and the world, its new rulers do not have much sympathy with any
country or countries that oppose, what it regards, as, its historical right and
destiny. There is one problem, though. Which is that between the era of China’s
dynastic rulers and now, the process of de-colonization in Asia and elsewhere
has seen the emergence of new nations. And they are opposed to the assertion of
China’s power, especially when it impinges on their own national interests. In
this new world of nation states, territorial claims drawn from the old
kingdoms/empires and maps, are contested and resisted, as is happening now in
the Asia-Pacific region.
Like the rest of Asia (and, for that matter, Africa)
China too was a victim of European colonialism. The Chinese have never
forgotten and forgiven their humiliation by European powers and Japan.
Ultimately, though, power remains largely the arbiter of relations between
nations. With its new-found power and wealth, China is now seeking to assert
its primacy, creating potential enemies in its neighbourhood with their competing
and contending territorial and sovereign claims.
The
most vociferous, among them, are Vietnam and the Philippines, though others too
have overlapping claims to islands in the South China Sea which China claims
almost in its entirety. In
Beijing’s view, these countries have been put up to confront China by the United
States with its renewed strategy of a “pivot” to Asia, as articulated by
President Obama in November 2011 in the Australian parliament during his visit
here.
China has sought to reinforce its claims by stamping
its passports with its version of the sovereignty that covers South China Sea
and the rest, drawing protests from other countries. It has also asserted its
right to board and search ships passing through disputed waters. According to
reports, China contends that its sovereignty dates back to the Ming dynasty
that ruled between 14th to 17th centuries, if not even
earlier. In other words, China’s sovereignty is incontestable.
These claims have been around ever since the
communists came to power in 1949. But China then lacked the power to enforce
them. It still is not able to enforce its sovereignty without causing
considerable tensions in the region with the potential to lead to military
conflict. Beijing would probably have wished the US to remain mired in Iraq and
Afghanistan for the next decade or so, enabling it to bring its neighbours,
contesting South China Sea islands, to its way of thinking. But this was not to
be. And the US, even though drained by its two wars and the continuing
financial crisis, still remains the strongest military power in the world. It
is determined to play a leading role in the Asia-Pacific region of which it
regards itself geopolitically, economically and strategically an integral part.
With a view to maintain its regional primacy, the US
is beefing up its regional alliances, creating new strategic connections and
projecting forceful economic and political role. This was evidenced at the
recent East Asia Summit in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, attended by President Obama.
The United States, with its regional allies and political partners, would like
the South China issue to be debated in regional forums with a view to create an
agreed code of conduct for resolving the maritime boundary issue and for the
unhindered use of sea lanes for international trade.
China sees a trap in this to regionalize/internationalize
the contested nature of South China Sea issue, and is determined not to allow
it. And it succeeded in keeping it out of the Association of South East Asian
Nations (ASEAN) and East Asia Summit by leaning on Cambodia, the host country,
to disallow it. But the issue of South China Sea will continue to dog every regional
forum and keep regional tensions ticking.
At another level, China and Japan are also embroiled
in a maritime dispute which, if not resolved, is equally, if not more,
inflammatory. It revolves around the competing claims of sovereignty over the Senkaku/Diaoyu
islands in East China Sea creating an eyeball-to-eyeball situation between the two
countries. It is feeding ultra nationalism on both sides. Indeed in the
forthcoming snap election in Japan this month, the newly formed Japan
Restoration Party, led by Toru Hashimoto, mayor of Osaka, and Shintaro
Ishihara, till recently governor of Tokyo, will be campaigning on a program to
revive Japan because: “If Japan keeps going like this [as a weakling], it will
sink into a pit and die.” As part of this revival, Japan is urged to rebuild
its military strength including, if necessary, acquiring nuclear weapons. In
other words, China-Japan issue is not just a political spat between the two
countries but a much more dangerous regional confrontation.
There are also unresolved questions between China
and Indonesia over the Natuna Islands in the South China Sea. The Spratly and Paracel islands in
South China Sea are subject to overlapping sovereignty claims involving China, Taiwan,
Vietnam, the Philippines, Brunei and Malaysia. And there is, as mentioned earlier,
the China-Japan dispute in the East China Sea. This is quite a list. But when
some of these countries are also US allies, the situation is even more combustible.
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