China-Japan showdown likely
S P SETH
The spat between China and Japan over disputed
sovereignty on a group of small islands in East China Sea, called Senkakus by the Japanese and Diaoyus in China,
is taking dangerous overtones. China is sending planes and surveillance vessels
to test its claims, with Japan taking counter measures. Taiwan too has entered
the fray, as the alternative China, with Japanese firing water cannons at a
Taiwanese boat carrying a group of activists wanting to land on the disputed
islands. The situation is further complicated with the US secretary of state, Hillary
Clinton, recently coming out clearly on Japan’s side, stating that the islands
”are under the administration of Japan” and hence protected under the 1960
US-Japan security treaty. In other words, Japan can invoke this treaty if China
were to take military action to wrest the islands from Japan.
The US position is not surprising. What is
surprising is that it has been so clearly enunciated by the US secretary of state,
while China was hoping that it might at least continue the pretence of neutrality,
calling upon both countries to resolve it through peaceful means. Not surprisingly,
China “resolutely opposes” Clinton’s remarks; its news agency, Xinhua, calling
it “foolish” for Washington “ to throw support behind Japan” in the islands’
dispute. China has been brimming with confidence, but US’ open support for
Japan will compound the dangers.
Looking back at the historical experience of the two
major powers of our times, Britain and the United States, the dominance over
oceans and sea-lanes was a pre-requisite for regional and global primacy.
Indeed, this is how China was humbled during the opium wars of the 19th
century and reduced to a semi-colonial status. And now China wants to establish
its sway over South China Sea and over the disputed (with Japan) islands in the
East China Sea.
When the communists won the civil war and
established the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the US was the dominant
military power ruling the waves in much of the world in the midst of a Cold War,
with China on the Soviet side. After intense internal ideological and power
struggle, and a serious rift with the Soviet Union in the sixties and seventies
overlapping into the eighties, China started to slowly emerge as a power in its
own right under the stewardship of Deng Xiaoping. Deng was a practical leader
with emphasis on learning from facts and not too infatuated with communist
ideology, though he was a strong upholder of the Party’s monopoly power. He
wanted to modernize China and build it into a strong and powerful nation. But
he also advised that China should bide time while building its strength.
His successors obviously believe that the time has
come for China to assert and reclaim its power and national interests. And
these interests include recovering, what it perceives to have been historically
its sovereign territories and waters in South China Sea and other maritime
territories, including Senkaku/Diayou islands, controlled by Japan. In regional
political power play, China once had an advantage over Japan as its atrocious
war record in China and other Asian countries created a kind of aggrieved brotherhood
revived now and then over specific issues like the “comfort women”, Asian
prostitutes, that Japanese soldiers used during the war time.
But with China’s rise and its determination to consolidate
and expand its power, it is now simultaneously involved in sovereignty disputes
over islands in the South China with a number of regional countries, like
Vietnam, the Philippines and others and with Japan in East China Sea. Which is
creating an aggrieved brotherhood of a different kind against China, with Japan
increasingly regarded favourably. The most welcoming of Japan in this respect
is the Philippines with its own serious maritime dispute with China. Japan and
the Philippines have become strategic partners agreeing to collaborate to
resolve their territorial disputes with China. And they have expressed “mutual
concern” about China’s increasingly assertive claims.
Vietnam is another country with a serious maritime
dispute with China in the South China Sea, and has lately drawn strategically
close to the United States. Both Japan and the Philippines have their security
pacts with the United States, as does Australia. But Japan is not without its own
problems arising from a serious maritime dispute with South Korea, which too is
a US ally. The US has been urging both its allies to resolve their dispute but
signs so far are not propitious.
Even without US security connection, Japan is not an
inconsequential power, though constrained militarily because of the US imposed post-WW11
pacifist constitution. There has been a slow erosion of that position with US
support as Washington has been urging Japan for quite some years to play an
important regional military role as its ally. With Shinzo Abe as Japan’s new
Prime Minister, known for his ultra nationalist views, Japan will raise its
defence expenditure and also take measures to get rid of the relevant
constitutional provision constraining its military power.
China is already an ascendant military power with
its defence budget reportedly doubling over the last six years. It seems
determined to uphold its perceived national interests, which is its great
strength with the Chinese people. While the government might not be playing the
military band, the country’s senior military officers are not holding back their
frank views. This was recently the case with Senior Colonel Liu Mingfu of
China’s National Defence University in an interview with John Garnaut, China
correspondent of the Sydney Morning Herald.
He said colourfully, “America is the global tiger
and Japan is Asia’s wolf and both are now madly biting China.” He
hypothetically raised a scenario of nuclear retaliation by raising the WW11
analogy when Japan attacked Pearl Harbour and asked, “…how do you know it
wouldn’t receive another nuclear bomb?” And said, “The world would hail if Japan
receives such a [nuclear] blow.” He amplified, “I don’t want to mention China
here [presumably, the country that might deliver the blow], as it is
sensitive.” And he had a message for Australia not to follow the US or Japan
into any military conflict, saying, “Australia should never “play the jackal
for the tiger or dance with the wolf.”
Though Colonel Liu said his views didn’t represent
government policy but, at the same time, emphasized that his views were
consistent with what political and military leaders thought, if not what they
said. In addition to the interview, Liu also provided written comments accusing
the US of creating “ a mini-NATO”
to contain China with the US and Japan at its core and Australia within its
orbit.
Having taken such a strong public stand on the
sovereignty issue, the Chinese government would find it difficult to retreat
from that position. Japan will equally be averse to making its sovereignty over
the islands an open issue. If so, China and Japan are heading for a showdown of
some sorts in the not-too-distant future. And that won’t be pretty regionally
and globally.
Note: This article was first published in the Daily Times.
Contact: sushilpseth@yahoo.com.au
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