US-China tussle for power
By S P SETH
The recent China visit of the US Secretary of State,
Hillary Clinton, and Secretary of
the Treasury, Timothy Geithner, was overshadowed by the furore caused following
the escape to the US embassy in Beijing of the blind Chinese human rights
activist, Chen Guangcheng, to seek asylum. Chen has been a prickly thorn on the
government’s side, having internationally embarrassed China by exposing cases
of forced abortions and sterilization in the rural areas as part of China’s
one-child policy. After serving a 4-year prison term on charges of “sedition”,
he was under house arrest when he made a risky escape for asylum to the US
embassy. Not surprisingly it caused a crisis of sorts in US-China relations,
with Clinton and Geithner right in the middle of it during their visit.
Which only shows the fragility of US-China
relations, with Beijing accusing the US of interfering in its internal affairs.
However, according to some recent reports, this latest conundrum might be
managed, with the Chinese government allowing Chen to go to the US for studies
with his wife and two children. It might be a convenient end to a difficult
diplomatic crisis. But it would be highly embarrassing for China to allow this,
being tantamount to admitting that Chen’s earlier imprisonment on “sedition”
charges was a political act.
Even though Beijing is averse to admitting that it
has a human rights problem, it does at times say that its human rights situation
is improving. Which, by implication, means that there has been a problem in
this area. The US obviously pushes this button to promote democracy in China,
with tolerance for dissent and freedom. With its economic success, China,
however, has increasingly taken a more assertive position, even promoting its
path as an alternative model for the world. As the US and China increasingly
take opposite positions on a whole host of issues, their disagreement is likely
to become shriller, with less scope for peaceful management of their relations.
If diplomacy is the art of managing relations
between nations, the US and China will need to work harder. With both keen to
assert their primacy in the Asia-Pacific region, the scope for managing their
ambitions is likely to become tougher. China has sovereignty claims on South
China Sea, it contests maritime boundaries with Japan in the East China Sea, and
is having problems with Vietnam, the Philippines and other regional countries
over their competing claims in the South China Sea island chains. Which has led
to naval incidents between China and some of its Asian neighbors.
Presently, the relations between China and the Philippines
are quite tense over the disputed Scarborough shoal, a chain of reefs and
uninhabited islands in the South China Sea. The South China Sea is rich in oil,
gas and fishery. A Le Monde report has quoted a Chinese study which says that
the area could contain the equivalent of 213 billion barrels of oil: 80 per
cent of Saudi Arabia’s established reserves. No wonder there are a number of
claimants to such potential wealth. China and the Philippines have done some
show of military muscles, and the public opinion in the Philippines is quite
exercised over China’s blanket sovereignty claim. And it is a US ally.
Although the US is ostensibly not taking sides on
these issues, it has further strengthened its strategic ties with the
Philippines, Vietnam and other regional countries. Now that the US is
disengaging from Afghanistan, it has signaled its intention to become more
focused on the Asia-Pacific region. Which hasn’t gone well with China.
Apart from its problematic relations with some of
its regional neighbors, China is lately having more than its usual internal
tensions; the most recent being the Chen affair. Chen was helped in his
escapade to the US embassy by some of his activist friends who are now in
trouble with the authorities. The sensitivity of the internal situation was
graphically demonstrated following the Arab Spring when the Chinese authorities
blocked access on the internet to material regarding popular upsurge in Tunisia
and Egypt, fearing a contagion effect in China.
And recently, there was the Bo Xilai affair, when
the Chongqing Party boss was removed from all his posts and his wife arrested
on suspected murder of a British resident of that city. Bo was starting to
threaten the Party hierarchy by raising the banner of revolutionary spirit of
the Mao Zedong era. And the embers of the fire, lit by Bo, are not completely
extinguished.
It is such sensitivity and resistance to political
reform by relaxing the Party’s monopoly over power that gives the US a certain
moral and political advantage over China. But this only makes China even more
resolute on maintaining and asserting the Party’s control within the country. The
Party leadership fears that the US is using democracy and human rights as an
attempt to foment internal trouble in their country to the point of destabilizing
China. This is another problematic issue in China-US relationship among a
number of other issues clouding their relationship.
The core issue is the contest for primacy in the
Asia-Pacific region between the US and China. Until now, the US has ruled the
waves in Asia-Pacific, as in much in the rest of the world. Militarily, the US
is still the most powerful country in the world. In the Asia-Pacific region,
though, China is seeking to displace it through a mix of its economic,
political and military muscle. Indeed, China believes it is none of the US’
business to be poking around in its neighborhood where, in Beijing’s view,
China’s primacy, historically and geo-strategically, is well enshrined. Indeed,
from this viewpoint, China’s loss of regional primacy during the last over 150
years was simply an aberration. Therefore, a new and stronger China feels
justified to reclaim its old domain… so to say. Which would explain their sovereignty claims over South China
Sea and parts of East China Sea and other bits.
But in a world of nation states, historical claims
of dominance by old or new empires are more an obstacle than a solution of contentious
issues. This brings China into conflict with some of its regional neighbors,
and with the United States as the established dominant power as well as an ally
of some of China’s Asian neighbors. One way out of this complex web of
relations between China and the United States might be to work out some sort of
a mechanism to share power over the head of regional countries. But there are
problems here because the regional countries might not like the idea of being a
pawn in US-China relations. These countries are not inconsequential, like
Indonesia, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and so on--- not to speak of
Japan. They can forge their own alliances/partnerships to sabotage such plans,
if they were ever contemplated.
In any case, China or, for that matter, the United
States does not look like sharing power except on its own terms. Which
essentially would mean that China or the United States will have to make way
for the other. China, as the rising power, would certainly not like to give
ground on any of its “core” strategic interests. The US, on the other hand,
wants China to be a responsible stakeholder, which essentially means that
Beijing shouldn’t rock the boat. These are irreconcilable positions, and spell
trouble for the region.
Note: This article was first published in the Daily Times.
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